Seuchen und Krisen 1626 - Plagues and Crisis in 1626

Die große in Württemberg grassierende Seuche, die nicht zuletzt von den Söldnern wie denen unter Sachsen-Lauenburg eingeschleppt wurde, ist kein vorrangiges Thema auf unserer Veranstaltung. Dennoch will ich es nicht so ganz unerwähnt lassen. In einer Haller Chronik wird die Dramatik der Ereignisse im angrenzenden Württemberg geschildert, Dort regnete es 10 Wochen lang, so dass das Korn ungenießbar wurde, die Ärmsten, die von ihrem Handwerk nicht mehr leben konnten, gezwungen waren "Graßdisteln, Melten und dergleichen" zu verzehren. Noch härter soll es Bayern getroffen haben, weil man dort sehr einseitig auf den Anbau von Roggen setzte, wodurch viele ihr Land verließen und in Württemberg oder gar dem Elsass betteln gehen mussten. Auf die Missernte folgte in Württemberg die Pest, von der 28.000 Menschen dahingerafft wurden [1].

The great epidemic raging in Württemberg, which was brought in part by mercenaries like those under Saxe-Lauenburg, is not a primary topic at our event. Nevertheless, I don't want to leave it entirely unmentioned. A chronicle from Hall describes the dramatic events in neighboring Württemberg. There, it rained for ten weeks straight, rendering the grain inedible, forcing the poorest, who could no longer make a living from their trades, to eat "grass thistles, ragwort, and the like." Bavaria was said to have been hit even harder because of its heavy reliance on rye cultivation, which led many to abandon their land and beg in Württemberg or even Alsace. The crop failure in Württemberg was followed by the plague, which claimed the lives of 28,000 people [1].

Wir haben damals keine Disteln gekocht auf unserer Landleben 1619 Veranstaltung. - We didn't cook any thistles on our Landleben 1619 event. (photo: S. Winter, 2019)

Die Auswirkungen der Krise sieht man auch im Kleinen, beispielsweise wenn wiederholt Bäcker in Schwäbisch Hall wegen "übel gebackenen" Brot wie David Hoffmann am 12. Mai 1626 oder "zu gering gebackenen Brodt" wie Endris Löchner belangt wurden. Die Reichsstadt hatte klare Maße, welche die Bäcker bei einem gewissen Brotpreis, der vom Magistrat erhöht oder gesenkt werden konnte, eingehalten werden musste, wenn man nicht wie hier mit 4 Talern Strafe belegt werden wollte. Bezeichnenderweise ging die Hälfte von Hoffmanns Strafe, also 2 Taler, an den Haller Bettelvogt [2]. Der Rat erließ im 17. Jahrhundert mehrfach Verbote einheimisches Brot oder Getreide ohne Wissen des Rates auszuführen. Da scheint es beinahe übermäßig milde, wenn dem "weib" des Balthasar Widmann nur eine Strafe von 2 Gulden auferlegt wurde, weil sie "Burgers brot hinaus geben" [3]. Die Vergehen wegen veruntreuten Brotes häufen sich im Frühsommer 1626. Besonders schwer wurde der Bäcker Hans Caspar Glock bestraft, weil er im Juli 40 Laib Brot "zunicht gebacken" wofür er nicht weniger als 12 fl Strafe zahlen musste [4].

The effects of the crisis can also be seen on a smaller scale, for example, when bakers in Schwäbisch Hall were repeatedly fined for "poorly baked" bread, as David Hoffmann was on May 12, 1626, or for "bread baked too thinly," as Endris Löchner was. The imperial city had strict regulations that bakers had to adhere to at a certain bread price, which could be raised or lowered by the city council, if they wanted to avoid a fine of 4 talers, as in this case. Significantly, half of Hoffmann's fine, 2 talers, went to the Hall beggar bailiff [2]. During the 17th century, the council repeatedly issued prohibitions against exporting local bread or grain without its knowledge. In comparison, it seems almost excessively lenient that Balthasar Widmann's wife was only fined 2 guilders for "giving away citizens' bread" [3]. Offenses involving embezzled bread increased in the early summer of 1626. The baker Hans Caspar Glock was punished particularly severely because he "wasted" 40 loaves of bread in July, for which he had to pay a fine of no less than 12 florins [4].

Arbeit am Backofen bei Landleben 1625. - Work at the oven on our Landleben 1625 event. (photo: S. Winter)

The bastion at the river ... and Kettie's castle P 5 of the Dumas campaign

After her bad luck at Le Lion Rouge [1] Kettie's had to pay the price and got some weaker units such as militia pike and shot under her personal command. She heard that she would find some gold coins in the ruins of a small chapel at the French border (4 honours for reaching the chapel).

(She had 1 x Aggressive Forlorn Hope, 1 x raw pike and 1 x raw musketeers under her personal command AND 1 x Commanded shot, 1 x Forlorn Hope (the famous musketeers!) and 1 x trotters on the other road.)

Our forces have a strong position behind the river. The vanguards exchanging volleys... Please notice the priest at the chapel! (photo: C. Hanselmann)

Unfortunately for her, her very elegant and somehow sly enemy Augustus von Wiesel had the order to defend two bridgeheads against all Spanish or Imperial troops which would try to cross the bridges over a small river. Augustus would get a nice award for holding a small redoubt with a gun (4 honours for 8 turns) if he would be under attack. 

(I and my good friend had 1 regimental gun, 1 x pikes, 1 x elite trotters (cuirassiers), 1 x trotters, 2 x musketeers and 1 x Commanded shot devided in two wings defending one bridge per wing.) 

 

Kettie's Commanded shot have their first losses. (photo: C. Hanselmann)

But Kettie had some bad luck resulting in most of the units arriving one after the other at the bridges. Her swordfighters for example moved so late that they arrived after Kettie's own pike unit already suffered heavy losses. Therefore I could concentrate my fire on one unit after another.

 

Finally our gun is firing at the advancing enemy. (photo: C. Hanselmann)

However in the first turns I feared that I would pay a high price too, because not only my Commanded Shot run away fast but soon later my arquebusier riders followed that example (and in my Special orders we had to rout or kill more enemy units then we would lose and in my second Special order I had to rout at least half of Kettie's units).

After some bad luck we are successful in stopping Kettie's forces. Early in the game our vanguard was routed. (photo: C. Hanselmann)

After 4 or 5 turns Kettie's subcommander became frustrated because they lost too many of their best soldiers before even crossing one of the bridges because our light regimental gun finally started to shoot very effectively (after missing to fire for 3 turns or so).

Kettie's best unit with their swords and shields lost too many to really attack our fortifications. (photo: C. Hanselmann) 

Running out of options and troops Kettie and her surviving units decided to fall back and lick their wounds until they will see a better chance to get their revenge.

I was surprised that the Spanish shock troops this time had so little of an effect. After a lot of bad dice rolling at the start of our game, the musketeers and artillery shot very well and more or less won the encounter. For his fine conduct at the engagement he was rewarded with his promotion to lieutenant (and got the musketeer master's trait). Let's see if she will have her opportunity to give me a lesson and my happy comrades... 

Finally Kettie had lost too many of her best troops and decided to retreat with all she had left. (photo: C. Hanselmann)

Some weeks later we had another game. The story is easy. There is the ruin of an old castle surrounded by some more recent structures of fortification. But they were never completed. After some success in our previous game Wiesel decided to occupy Kettie's headquarter which was defended by a group of Royal Musketeers, a company of Musketeers and pikemen. My son called it "Kettie's castle".

 

Das württembergische Zollhaus in Bubenorbis 1626 - The Wurttemberg customs house at Bubenorbis in 1626

Dieses Jahr soll es auch um das Zollhaus in Bubenorbis im Jahr 1626 gehen. Die Geschichte der Querelen zwischen der Reichsstadt Schwäbisch Hall und dem Herzogtum Württemberg wegen dem Zoll- und Wirtshaus ist lang. Zwar musste die Reichsstadt 1532 die Zugehörigkeit der Schmiede und des Zollhauses in Bubenorbis zu Württemberg anerkennen, aber nach der Wiedererrichtung des Zoll- und Wirtshauses 1558 vermehrten sich eher die Konflikte mit Hall. Ihren Höhepunkt fanden sie in dem Zusammenstoß zwischen dem württembergischen Zöllner Matthias Dörner und zwei Haller Metzgermeistern, deren Hirte 1564 brutal vom Zöllner angegriffen wurde. Obwohl die beiden Metzger Römig und Groß beteuerten den Zoll für ihre hundert Schweine entrichtet zu haben, setzte sich der Zöllner anschließend mit Unterstützung von Seiten seiner Landesherrschaft durch und die Haller Metzger sollten bestraft werden, statt dem übergriffigen Zöllner, der behauptet hatte, dass er von den Hallern mit Wehr und Büchse bedroht worden war, zu veruteilen. Immerhin erfahren wir, dass die Metzger damals hätten 8 Schilling Zoll für ihre Schweine entrichten müssen [1].

This year's focus will also be on the customs house in Bubenorbis in 1626. The history of the disputes between the Imperial City of Schwäbisch Hall and the Duchy of Württemberg over the customs house and inn is long. Although the Imperial City had to acknowledge the Württemberg affiliation of the smithy and customs house in Bubenorbis in 1532, conflicts with Hall only intensified after the customs house and inn were rebuilt in 1558. These conflicts culminated in the clash between the Württemberg customs officer Matthias Dörner and two master butchers from Schwäbisch Hall, whose shepherd was brutally attacked by the customs officer in 1564. Although the two butchers, Römig and Groß, insisted they had paid the toll for their one hundred pigs, the toll collector subsequently prevailed with the support of his sovereign, and the Haller butchers were to be punished instead of condemning the overzealous toll collector, who had claimed that he had been threatened with weapons and a rifle by the Haller men. We do, however, learn that the butchers would have had to pay 8 shillings in toll for their pigs at that time [1]. 

 

Württembergische Musketiere 1623 anlässlich des Einrückens der Kompanie des Hammer von Marbach mit Fahne. - Musketeers from Württemberg in 1623 during the indent of Hammer of Marbach's company with their flag. (photo: A.-K. Kemmer)

More Musketeers for the king

 I decided to paint some more figures for PML using sets by RedBox only. First I used the "Guards of Cardinal Richelieu" [1]. There is even a figure for the "men from Meung" in the set. As the Plastic Soldier Review mentioned it, the cross on all of the cassocks is wrong. We find a very simple cross on the only contemporary painting of that unit from the 1620s [2]. Maybe RedBox relied on photos from TV or cinema productions. Although in the most recent movie we see no cassocks for those guards at all [3]. I just ignored the crosses on the figures and painted as I wished. The arquebuses of the set are looking very short compared with the weapons on the painting.

The guards of Richelieu mostly have nice marching poses. One of them has very simple clothes and a long cloak for some reasons. Maybe he has to attack one of D'Artagnan's friends in a narrow street? (photo: F. Hanselmann)

Maybe the guy in the black cloak is one of those poor scoundrels from the novel. The other prominent figure maybe is the comte de Rochefort? (photo: F. Hanselmann)

The Musketeers of the Royal Guard are sculpted with more elaborated details. All of the horses have 2 pistols hanging from the saddles and have very relaxed poses. I decided that these poses are better for escorting the king or a very important commander. (photo: F. Hanselmann)

After these figures, I tried to paint more Musketeers of the famous Guard under the comte de Tréville (1598-1672) - although he was not Capitaine-Lieutenant in 1627 during the siege of La Rochelle [4]. Some of them are on horseback and therefore I had to use the Mounted Musketeers of the king of France [5] however the muskets are looking much too short and they even miss the forked rest. That's very strange because the companions on foot do have them and it's not plausible at all why they should lose them on horse. I asked myself how to use them in the skirmish games because the musketeers on their horses would fight like trotters, maybe using their pistols because you surely can't use your musket shooting from the saddle. In a very interesting documentary by arte you can see the real muskets from the period [6]. These weapons are not only too heavy but too long too. The historian presented a very elaborated model - but maybe these guns were very much decorated because all of the guards were aristocrats such as the famous d'Artagnan himself [7].

Unfortunately riders by RedBox and Strelets mostly don't fit on the somehow fat horses. But the beards are very nicely done. (photo: A. Hanselmann)

Maybe here you can see how I tried to paint most of them very individual clothes, because they are nobles. I didn't cut the feathers as I normally do for that period. (photo: A. Hanselmann)

I have no idea how the flag of the musketeers was looking. Therefore I painted one of them as a normal infantry flag with a with cross on a white field. (photo: A. Hanselmann)

Die Haller besetzen die Heg - The people of Hall occupy the border 1626

Bewaffnete Bauern an einem Durchgang der Heg bei Landleben 1619. - Armed peasants at a passage through the heg on our Landleben-1619 event. (photo: A. Schwark)

Dieses Jahr gibt es auf unserer Landleben-Veranstaltung zwei unterschiedliche Themen, die nicht viel miteinander zu tun haben: das Zollhaus von Bubenorbis und die Besetzung der Landheg durch Untertanen und Bürger von Schwäbisch Hall.

This year, our Landleben-event will feature two different topics that don't have much to do with each other: the customs house of Bubenorbis and the occupation of the Landheg by subjects and citizens of Schwäbisch Hall.

Dieses Gemälde zeigt wie Söldner ihre Waffen abgeben. Es bildet aber auch umgedreht wahrscheinlich die Ausstattung von Bewaffneten ab. - That painting shows mercenaries giving back their weapons. But in contrary it maybe illustrates well how soldiers were equiped. Pauweis van Hillegaert: "The disbanding of the "Wardtgelders" by prince Maurits" 1627, Rijksmuseum Amsterdam (photo: A. Hanselmann, 2023)

Ähnlich wie schon 1619 doch mit weniger dramatischem Ausgang [1], wurden auch 1626 erneut Bauern und andere Landleute zur Besetzung der Landheg aufgeboten. Der Haller Rat befürchtete einen erneuten Einfall kaiserlicher Reiter [2], daher ließ er immerhin 300 Bürger aufbieten und nach Lachweiler an die Heg führen [3]. Die Bürger, die ja in den Stadtkompanien organisiert waren, wurden einige Wochen vor dem Ausmarsch am 8. Mai 1626 auf der Unterwöhrd gemustert. Schon am 23. Mai schickte man an einen "Geheimen von Hohenlehr" ein Schreiben, worin man bereits das Vorhaben bekundete aus Bürgern "und Bauren" einen "Ausschuss zumachen". Die Besetzung der "Schlupf" sollte unter der Führung des Stadthauptmannes geschehen [4].  In der Nacht vom 24. auf den 25. Mai lagerten 300 Mann aus dem Bühler-Amt auf der Michelfelder Heide. Dann marschierten diese weiter Richtung Lachweiler und vereinigten sich mit 400 Bürgern, die aus Hall angerückt kamen. So befand sich dann eine Streitmacht von 1.000 Mann schließlich bei Lachweiler an der Landheg. Eine Art Hauptquartier dürfte die 7-köpfige Abordnung des Haller Magistrats gebildet haben [5], die im Stock-Wirtshaus [6] untergebracht war. Am 25. Mai musste der Haller Rat 150 Laibe Brot und 11 Eimer Wein an die versammelten Männer austeilen lassen. Am 26. Mai wurden immerhin noch 120 Laibe und 4 Fässer Wein ausgegeben. Als am 27. Mai die Lebensmittel ausgingen, gab der Haller Kanzlist den Befehl zum Rückmarsch [7]. Später hat man den nicht stattgefundenen Einfall durch die Aufbietung dieser Kontingente erklärt [8]. Holderbusch untermauert den Eindruck der reinen Abschreckung. So wären die befürchteten heran rückenden Reiter 500-600 Mann stark gewesen, hätten aber den hällischen Ausschuss ihrerseits für 3-4000 Mann stark gehalten und daher vom Eindringen aus dem Weinsperger Tal Abstand genommen und wären wieder abgezogen [9].

Similar to 1619, but with a less dramatic outcome [1], peasants and other rural people were again called up to occupy the Landheg in 1626. The Hall council feared another invasion by imperial cavalry [2], therefore it called up 300 citizens and led them to Lachweiler at the Heg [3]. The citizens, who were organized into the town companies, were mustered at Unterwöhrd a few weeks before the march on May 8, 1626. As early as May 23, a letter was sent to a "Secretary von Hohenlehr" announcing the intention to form a "committee" from citizens "and peasants." The garrison of the "Schlupf" (a fortified position) was to be under the command of the town captain [4]. On the night of May 24-25, 300 men from the Bühler district camped on the Michelfeld Heath. They then marched on towards Lachweiler and joined up with 400 citizens who had arrived from Hall. Thus, a force of 1,000 men was eventually stationed near Lachweiler at the Landheg (a defensive earthwork). A kind of headquarters was likely formed by the seven-member delegation from the Hall magistrate [5], who were housed in the Stock Inn [6]. On May 25, the Hall council had to distribute 150 loaves of bread and 11 buckets of wine to the assembled men. On May 26, at least 120 loaves and 4 barrels of wine were distributed. When the food ran out on May 27, the Hall clerk gave the order to march back [7]. Later, the failure to invade was explained by the mobilization of these contingents [8]. Holderbusch reinforces the impression of pure deterrence. The feared approaching cavalry would have numbered 500-600 men, but they themselves estimated the Hallian contingent to be 3000-4000 men strong and therefore refrained from invading from the Weinsperger Valley and withdrew [9].

Ein weiteres Detail des Gemäldes. Wie die Reiter auf der Linken des Gemäldes darf man sich wahrscheinlich auch Offiziere wie Rauchhaubt vorstellen. - One more detail of the same painting. Maybe Rauchhaubt was looking like the riders at the left. (photo: A. Hanselmann, 2023)

Durch die Chronik des J. K. Holderbusch - ein Zeitgenosse, der auch seine persönlichen Ansichten mit einstreute - wissen wir sehr detailiert über den turbulenten Auszug an die Heg und die Unterbringung der Männer bescheid [10]. Man musste Bürgerquartiere nehmen, denn im Zeughaus von Schwäbisch Hall sind auf jeden Fall keine Zelte 1619 dokumentiert worden [11]. Der Ort Stock, der bei German erwähnt wird, bestand nur aus dem Wirtshaus selbst, während Lachweiler damals nur ein kleiner Weiler war und wohl ebenfalls keine 1.000 Bewaffnete untergebracht hätte. Auch ist kein eigener Fuhrpark dokumentiert, welcher den Antransport der Brote hätte bewerkstelligen können. Bei Anlässen wie der Fronarbeit auf der Molkensteiner Wiese wurden Fuhrwerke von Untertanen gegen Bezahlung organisiert. Noch im 18. Jahrhundert sollten für den Transport kranker Soldaten Ochsenfuhrwerke aufgeboten werden [12]. Holderbusch sagt, die Bürger wären "theils beim Stock, theils zu Mainhard, theils im neuen Wirthshaus und theils beim Fuxschwanz gesessen, zecht und sich ergözt". Die Versorgungslage kann insgesamt nicht so gut gewesen sein, denn die Frauen seien aus der Stadt gelaufen und haben den vielen Bürgern "tapfer zu essen und zu trinken gebracht" [13]. 

Thanks to the chronicle of J. K. Holderbusch—apparently a contemporary who also included his personal views—we know in great detail about the turbulent exodus to the Heg and the accommodation of the men [10]. They had to take up quarters with local citizens, as no tents are documented in the armory of Schwäbisch Hall in 1619 [11]. The Stock hamlet, mentioned by German, consisted only of the inn itself, while Lachweiler was then just a small hamlet and probably could not have accommodated 1,000 armed men either. No dedicated fleet of vehicles is documented that could have transported the bread. On occasions such as the forced labor on the Molkenstein meadow, carts were organized by subjects for a fee. Even in the 18th century, oxcarts were to be used to transport sick soldiers [12]. Holderbusch says that the citizens were "partly at the Stock, partly at Mainhard's, partly in the new inn and partly at the Fuxschwanz, drinking and enjoying themselves". The overall supply situation cannot have been so good, because the women ran out of town and "bravely brought food and drink" to the many citizens [13].

Ein bewaffneter Bürger auf unserer Landlebenveranstaltung 2025. - An armed citizen at our Landlebenveranstaltung. (photo: D. Klotz 2025)

Spannenderweise erfahren wir aber sogar, was mit Bürgern geschah, die nicht der Aufforderung an die Heeg zu marschieren nachkamen. Es findet sich nämlich der aus Unterlimpurg [14] stammende Lienhardt Greiner, der am 21. Juni 1626 2 Gulden Strafe zahlen musste, weil er "ungehorsam gewest" und unterlassen hatte "sich bei der heeg einzustellen" wie es in einer Auflistung der Strafen heißt [15]. Holderbusch erwähnt sogar "150 ungehorsame Burgersöhne", die nicht nur mit den besagten 2 fl Strafe belegt sondern bei Wiederholung der Tat auch samt "Weib und Kinder" zur Stadt "hinaus geschafft" werden sollten nachdem man ihnen das Bürgerrecht entzogen habe [16]. Es gab aber nicht nur Strafen in dem Zusammenhang, so wurde beschlossen denen "so uff dem Lanthuren Wacht gehalten" ein "Wachtgelt" in Höhe von 12 ß zu zahlen [17].

Intriguingly, we even learn what happened to citizens who did not comply with the order to march to the town crier. For example, there is Lienhardt Greiner from Unterlimpurg [14], who had to pay a fine of 2 guilders on June 21, 1626, because he had been "disobedient" and had failed to "report to the town crier," as stated in a list of fines [15]. Holderbusch even mentions "150 disobedient sons of citizens" who were not only fined the aforementioned 2 guilders but, if they repeated the offense, were also to be "taken out of the city" along with their "wives and children" after their citizenship had been revoked [16]. However, there were not only penalties in this context; it was decided to pay a "watch fee" of 12 shillings to those "who kept watch on the Lantower" [17].

So wird wohl das Lager der Haller nicht ausgesehen haben. Es ist aber sehr anschaulich. (Germanisches Nationalmuseum Nürnberg) - The camp of the citizens of Hall naturally was not looking so. But these models are very nice. (Germanisches Nationalmuseum) [18] (photo: C. Hanselmann, 2023)

 

Le rendezvous au Lion Rouge - part 4 of our Dumas campaign

There is a small tavern called "Le Lion Rouge" near Wissembourg. Kettie heard of three gents planing to visit her there. She has to be fast because her secret enemy Augustus von Wiesel - in the cardinal's pay, had his spies. He learned of the meeting at the tavern[1] and could send a small troop of thugs awaiting Kettie in one of two small forests. She can find them only if one of her units enter the wood or they leave them or shoot out behind their trees, which are a nice form of cover.

 

Kettie doesn't lose time to arrive with all her forces at the road to the small hamlet. (photo: C. Hanselmann)

She has to meet the mysterious guys and talk to them (for two turns with 2 units in the hamlet and next to the gents). Meanwhile I have to rout or kill these crooks before she can talk with them. I would get 5 honours and she would get 4 - as her task is a bit easier. At the beginning there were only the 6 figures of forlorn hope (6 p.) at the tavern and my rascals in the wood at the table. I could enter from 3 directions rolling dice to decide from where each unit would come (1-2 from the North, 3-4 from the South, 5-6 from the East) while Kettie's units all came from the West and needed a move activation. 

 

Kettie's heroes are waiting for her arrival while I'm - August von Wiesel - advancing towards the small hamlet. (photo: C. Hanselmann)

Was noch geschah 2025 - What happened more in 2025 P 2

Um den anderen Beitrag nicht zu überfrachten, habe ich diesmal unsere Saisonrückschau zweigeteilt. 

In order not to overload the other post, I have split our season review into two parts this time.

 

Ein Beispiel für wunderschöne Objekte in kleinen Museen ist diese Ofenröhrentür (2. Hälfte 18. Jh.) aus Wriezen im Oderlandmuseum in Bad Freienwalde. - A fine example that you can find very nice objects in small museums is this door of an oven (2nd half of the 18th century) from Wriezen in the Oderlandmuseum Bad Freienwalde. (photo: C. Hanselmann)

 

Erneut waren wir in den Niederlanden, wo wir uns nicht nur von den Gemälden von Frans Hals in Haarlem, sondern auch Eindrücken in Alkmar mit dem berühmten Käsemarkt, sondern auch der besonderen Architektur verzaubern ließen. Neben zahlreichen Gemälden des 17. Jahrhunderts haben wir dieses Jahr auch sehr viele Werke des 18. Jahrhunderts intensiv bestaunt.

Der Ostindienfahrer "Amsterdam" im Het Sheepvarts Museum. - The large East Indiaman "Amsterdam" in the Het Sheepvarts Museum. (photo: C. Hanselmann)

We were back in the Netherlands, where we were enchanted not only by the paintings by Frans Hals in Haarlem, but also by the impressions of Alkmaar with its famous cheese market, and by the unique architecture. In addition to numerous 17th-century paintings, this year we also marveled at many works from the 18th century.

 

Gut, abgefeuert wurden die Geschütze der echten "Amsterdam" wohl nie in ihrem extrem kurzen "Leben". - Okay in reality the guns of the real "Amsterdam" were not used in the short life of the ship. (photo: A. Hanselmann)

Der berühmte Käsemarkt in Alkmar mit der Stadtwaage von 1582 im Hintergrund. - The famous cheese market at Alkmar with the city scale from 1582 in the background. (photo. C. Hanselmann)

 

Anschließend besuchten wir wieder eine unserer eigenen privaten Veranstaltungen in Frankreich. Diesmal waren wir ebenso wie in Wackershofen [1] im Jahr 1775. Durch kleine Aufgaben, die wir unseren Gästen gaben, hatten wir diesmal viel Unerwartetes. So wurde ein Brief entwendet und eine kleine Intrige geschmiedet. Wir haben aber auch viele normale Beschäftigungen für die Oberschicht der Epoche gepflegt wie "Angeln", Fechten, Zeichnen, Malen, Theaterspiel, Boule und kleinere Spiele [2]. Das Wetter war uns oft genug hold, so dass wir auch die Landschaft und den Garten des Schlösschens nutzen konnten.

Der Maler mit dem Perspektivrahmen. - The painter working with the perspective frame. (Foto: C. Hanselmann)

Afterwards, we again attended one of our own private events in France. This time we were there just as we had been in Wackershofen [1] in 1775. Through small tasks we gave our guests, we had many unexpected experiences. A letter was stolen and a small intrigue was hatched. But we also indulged in many normal activities for the upper class of the era, such as fishing, fencing, drawing, painting, theater, boules, and smaller games [2]. The weather was often kind enough to allow us to enjoy the landscape and the garden of the little castle.